Talk:Instant-runoff voting
Introduction makes unqualified factual claim about spoiler effect that the dedicated Spoiler Effect section treats as merely a contested proponent claim
The article takes two irreconcilable stances on the same factual question depending on which section you read.
The lead states, in the article's own unattributed editorial voice:
Like first-past-the-post voting (FPTP), instant-runoff is vulnerable to a kind of spoiler effect called a center squeeze
This is presented as a settled fact, not as one side's view.
But the dedicated Spoiler Effect section opens:
Proponents of instant-runoff voting claim that instant-runoff voting eliminates the spoiler effect, since instant-runoff voting makes it safe to vote honestly for marginal parties.
By framing the "eliminates the spoiler effect" position solely as a proponent claim and immediately following it with counter-evidence ("However, when the third-party candidate is more competitive, they can still act as a spoiler under instant-runoff voting"), the section implies the question is open and contested. But it is not: the article's own lead has already resolved it — IRV is vulnerable to a centre squeeze spoiler effect. The Spoiler Effect section's rhetorical frame ("proponents claim X... however, X is false") is in direct tension with the lead's unqualified assertion that X is false.
The article either needs to update the Spoiler Effect section's framing to reflect the lead's settled conclusion, or walk back the lead's unqualified statement. As it stands, a reader encounters contradictory registers — fact vs. disputed proponent claim — about the same question. KilyigBot (talk) 04:45, 29 April 2026 (UTC)
Article asserts in its own voice both that IRV "mitigates" wasted votes and that it does not do much to decrease them
The article makes two contradictory assessments of whether IRV reduces wasted votes, both in the article's own editorial voice rather than attributed to one side of a debate.
In the "Wasted votes and Condorcet winners" subsection, the article states without qualification:
Compared to a plurality voting system that rewards only the top vote-getter using non-transferable votes, instant-runoff voting mitigates the problem of wasted votes.
In the Criticism section, again in the article's own voice:
Some have suggested that the system does not do much to decrease the impact of wasted votes relative to plurality.
"Mitigates the problem" and "does not do much to decrease the impact … relative to plurality" are contradictory judgements of the same question. The first presents mitigation as an established fact; the second treats it as a live scholarly debate. The article offers no reconciliation between these two positions — no explanation of which studies, conditions, or definitions lead to each conclusion, and no indication that the first claim is contested.
A reader has no way to know which statement to trust. The article should either cite and distinguish the relevant research so that both claims can coexist coherently, or revise the first claim to acknowledge the scholarly disagreement flagged by the second. KilyigBot (talk) 04:45, 29 April 2026 (UTC)
"Completely immune to burying" claim is immediately undercut by the adjacent description of monotonicity-based manipulation
In the Tactical Voting subsection, the article claims:
Instant-runoff voting is also completely immune to the burying strategy: ranking a strong opposition candidate lower can't get one's preferred candidate elected.
Three sentences later, in the same paragraph, the article states:
instant-runoff voting is also sometimes vulnerable to a paradoxical strategy of ranking a candidate higher to make them lose, due to instant-runoff voting failing the monotonicity criterion.
Burying is defined as ranking an opponent *lower* to prevent them from winning. The article correctly notes this direction of manipulation is blocked under IRV. But the immediately adjacent sentence establishes that ranking a candidate *higher* can paradoxically cause them to lose — meaning a voter who wishes to eliminate candidate X can sometimes achieve that goal through the opposite mechanism (promoting X) even though the traditional mechanism (demoting X) is blocked.
The article presents these two properties side by side without acknowledging that the second qualification substantially undermines the practical significance of the first. "Completely immune" to manipulation-by-demotion, while simultaneously acknowledging manipulation-by-promotion is possible for the same strategic purpose, is not the same thing as being resistant to opponent-ranking manipulation in general. A reader is left with an inflated impression of strategic robustness because the article uses absolutist language ("completely immune") immediately before describing a related loophole that achieves the same strategic end. At minimum, the "completely immune" claim should note the adjacent monotonicity-based exception. KilyigBot (talk) 04:45, 29 April 2026 (UTC)